History and cases Birkirkara
History and cases
The rise of public administration and the discovery of oil and natural gas are two major events believed to have led to the sustained increase in the incidence of corrupt practices in the country.
Efforts have been made by the government to minimize corruption through the enactment of laws and the enforcement of integrity systems but with little success.
Greed, ostentatious lifestyle, customs, and people's attitudes are believed to have led to corruption. Another root cause is tribalism. Friends and kinsmen seeking favor from officials can impose strains on the ethical disposition of the official as these kinsmen see government officials as holding avenues for their personal survival and gain.
Pre-Independence and the First Republic
Corruption, though prevalent, was kept at manageable levels during the First Republic. However, the cases of corruption during the period were sometimes clouded by political infighting.
- Azikiwe was the first major political figure investigated for questionable practices. In 1944, a firm belonging to Azikiwe and family bought a Bank in Lagos. The bank was procured to strengthen local control of the financial industry. Albeit, a report about transactions carried out by the bank showed though Azikiwe had resigned as chairman of the bank, the current chairman was an agent of his. The report wrote that most of the paid-up capital of the African Continental Bank were from the Eastern Regional Financial Corporation.
- In western Nigeria, politician Adegoke Adelabu was investigated following charges of political corruption leveled against him by the opposition.
- In the Northern region, against the backdrop of corruption allegations leveled against some native authority officials in Borno. The Northern Government enacted the Customary Presents order to forestall any further breach of regulations. Later on, it was the British administration that was accused of corrupt practices in the results of elections which enthroned a Fulani political leadership in Kano, reports later linking the British authorities to electoral irregularities were discovered.
Gowon administration (August 1966 – July 1975)
Corruption for the most part of Yakubu Gowon's administration was kept away from public view until 1975. However, informed officials voiced their concerns. Critics said Gowon's governors acted like lords overseeing their personal fiefdom. He was viewed as timid, and faced with corrupt elements in his government.
In 1975, a corruption scandal surrounding the importation of cement engulfed many officials of the defense ministry and the central bank of Nigeria. Officials were later accused of falsifying ship manifestos and inflating the amount of cement to be purchased.
During the Gowon administration, two individuals from the middle belt of the country were accused of corruption. The Nigerian government controlled the newspapers, so the Daily Times and the New Nigerian gave great publicity to denunciations of the administration of Gomwalk, and Federal Commissioner Joseph Tarka by the two critics. A situation that may signal a cause for exigent action on corruption.
Murtala administration (1975 – February 1976)
In 1975, the administration of Murtala Mohammed made reformist changes. After a military coup brought it to power, the new government sacked a large number of prior government officials and civil servants, many of whom had been criticized for the misuse of power they wielded under the largely uneducated military of Gowon.
Obasanjo administration (February 1976 – September 1979)
The first administration of Olusegun Obasanjo was a continuation of the Muritala Mohammed administration and was focused on completing the transition program to democracy, as well as implementing the national development plans. Major projects including building new refineries, pipelines, expanding the national shipping and airlines as well as hosting FESTAC was done during this administration. A number of these national projects were conduits to distribute favors and enrich connected politicians. The famous Afrobeat musician, Fela Kuti, sang variously about major scandals involving the international telecommunication firm ITT led by Chief MKO Abiola in Nigeria, which the then Head of State, Gen Olusegun Obasanjo was associated with. In addition to this, the Operation Feed the Nation Program, and the associated land grab under the Land Use Decree implemented by the then Head of State was used as conduits to reward cronies, and his now-famous Otta Farm Nigeria (OFN) was supposedly a project borne out of this scandal.
Shagari administration (October 1979 – December 1983)
Corruption was deemed pervasive during the administration of Shehu Shagari. A few federal buildings mysteriously caught fire after investigators started to probe the finances of the officials working in the buildings. In late 1985, investigations into the collapse of the defunct Johnson Mathey Bank of London shed light on some of the abuses carried on during the second republic. The bank acted as a conduit to transfer hard currency for some party members in Nigeria. A few leading officials and politicians had amassed large amounts of money. They sought to transfer the money out of the country with the help of Asian importers by issuing import licenses.
In 1981, a rice shortage led to accusations of corruption against the NPN government. Shortages and subsequent allegations were precipitated by protectionism. After its election, the Nigerian government decided to protect local rice farmers from imported commodities. A licensing system was created to limit rice imports. However, accusations of favoritism and government-supported speculation were leveled against many officials.
Buhari administration (December 1983 – August 1985)
In 1985, a cross-section of politicians was convicted of corrupt practices under the government of General Muhammadu Buhari, but the administration itself was only involved in a few instances of lapsed ethical judgment. Some cite the suitcases scandal which also coincidentally involved then customs leader Atiku Abubakar, who later became Vice President in 1999, and was indicted for various acts of corruption. "The 53 suitcases saga arose in 1984 during the currency change exercise ordered by the Buhari junta when it ordered that every case arriving the country should be inspected irrespective of the status of the person behind such. The 53 suitcases were, however, ferried through the Murtala Muhammed Airport without a customs check by soldiers allegedly at the behest of Major Mustapha Jokolo, the then aide-de-camp to Gen. Buhari. Atiku was at that time the Area Comptroller of Customs in charge of the Murtala Muhammed Airport."
Babangida administration (August 1985 – August 1993)
The regime of general Ibrahim Babangida or IBB, has been seen as the body that legalized corruption. His administration refused to give an account of the Gulf War windfall, which has been estimated to be $12.4 billion. He rigged the only successful election in the history of Nigeria on June 12, 1993. He lives in a very exquisite mansion in his home state of Niger.
General Ibrahim Babangida's tenure, corruption became a policy of the state. He routinely disbursed vehicles and cash gifts to people to earn loyalty, and the discipline of the military force eroded. The term "IBB Boys" emerged, meaning fronts for the head of state in the business realm, someone who will transact dirty deals from drug dealing with money laundering.
General Ibrahim Babangida used various government privatization initiatives to reward friends and cronies, which eventually gave rise to the current class of nouveau riche in Nigeria. From banking to oil and import licenses, IBB used these favors to raise cash for himself and his family and is regarded as one of the richest ex-rulers of Nigeria supposedly with significant investment in Globacom—one of the largest telecom operators in Nigeria, regarded as a front for his empire.
Abacha administration (Nov 1993 – June 1998)
The death of the general Sani Abacha revealed the global nature of graft. French investigations of bribes paid to government officials to ease the award of a gas plant construction in Nigeria revealed the level of official graft in the country. The investigations led to the freezing of accounts containing about $100 million United States dollars.
In 2000, two years after his death, a Swiss banking commission report indicted Swiss banks for failing to follow the compliance process when they allowed Abacha's family and friends access to his accounts and to deposit amounts totaling $600 million US dollars into them. The same year, a total of more than $1 billion US dollars were found in various accounts throughout Europe.
Abdusalami administration (June 1998 – May 1999)
The government of Gen. Abdusalami was short and focused on transiting the country quickly to democracy. Albeit, the suspicion remains that quite a huge amount of wealth was acquired by him and his inner circle in such a short period, as he lives in quite an exquisite mansion of his own adjacent IBB's that exceeds whatever he might have earned in legitimate income. Indeed, the major Halliburton scandal implicated his administration, and this might have financed his opulence.
Obasanjo administration (May 1999 – May 2007)
Various corruption scandals broke out under Olusegun Obasanjo's presidency, including one of the international dimensions when his vice president was caught in cahoots with a US Congressman stashing cold hard cash (literally) in freezers. In addition to this, the KBR and Siemens bribery scandals broke out under his administration, which was investigated by the FBI and led to international indictments indicating high-level corruption in his administration. According to reports, "while Nigeria dithered, the United States Department of Justice on January 18, 2012, announced that a Japanese construction firm, Marubeni Corporation, agreed to pay a $54.6 million criminal penalty for allegedly bribing officials of the Nigerian government to facilitate the award of the $6 billion liquefied natural gas contract in Bonny, Nigeria to a multinational consortium, TSKJ". They paid bribes to Nigerian government officials between 1995 and 2004, in violation of the.
Some other acts of corruption tied to Olusegun Obasanjo included the Transcorp shares scandal that violated the code of conduct standards for public officers, and the presidential library donations at the eve of his exit from the power that pressured associates to donate. Obasanjo was also said to widely lobby for his failed campaign to alter the constitution to get a third term by actively bribing the legislators. further deepening corruption at the highest levels.
Umaru Musa Yar'Adua administration (May 2007 – May 2010)
Yaradua's ascent and time in office were short, although a fair number of corruption scandals from previous administrations came to light under his tenure and went uninvestigated due to lack of political will and poor health. Yaradua's various acts of political corruption using his Attorney-General to frustrate ongoing local and international investigations of his powerful friends like Governors James Ibori, Luck Igbinnedion, and Peter Odili which led to massive losses to their states. Attorney General of the Federation, Michael Aondakaa was unable to obtain a conviction in Nigeria even as the UK and foreign courts successfully tried Nigeria's deeply corrupt governors from the Obasanjo era that helped Yaradua emerge as president. In addition, Wikileaks revealed that the Supreme Court Justices were bribed to legitimize the corrupt elections that saw to his emergence as president through massive rigging. Wikileaks documents also revealed the staying power of corruption under Yaradua, with illegal payments from NNPC to Presidents continuing unabated.
Goodluck Jonathan administration (2010–2015)
Nigeria corruption rating by TI improved from 143rd to the 136th position in 2014. In late 2013, Nigeria's then Central Bank governor Sanusi Lamido Sanusi informed President Goodluck Jonathan that the state oil company, NNPC, had failed to remit US$20 billion in oil revenues owed to the state. Jonathan, however, dismissed the claim and replaced Sanusi for his mismanagement of the central bank's budget. A Senate committee also found Sanusi’s account to be lacking in substance. After the conclusion of the NNPC's account audit, it was announced in January 2015 that NNPC's non-remitted revenue is actually US$1.48 billion, which it needs to refund to the government. Upon the release of both the PwC and Deloitte report by the government at the eve of its exit, it was however determined that truly close to $20 billion was indeed missing or misappropriated or spent without appropriation.
In addition to these, the government of Goodluck Jonathan had several running scandals including the BMW purchase by his Aviation Minister, to the tune of N255 million naira and security contracts to militants in the Niger Delta, massive corruption and kickbacks in the Ministry of Petroleum, the Malabu Oil International scandal, and several scandals involving the Petroleum Ministry. In the dying days of Goodluck Jonathan's administration, the Central Bank scandal of cash tripping of mutilated notes also broke out, where it was revealed that in a four-day period, 8 billion naira was stolen directly by low-level workers in the CBN. This revelation excluded a crime that is suspected to have gone on for years and went undetected until revealed by a whistle-blower. The Central Bank claims the heist undermined its monetary policy. In 2014, UNODC began an initiative to help combat corruption in Nigeria.
New allegations of corruption have begun to emerge since the departure of President Jonathan on May 29, 2015, including:
- $2.2 billion illegally withdrawn from Excess Crude Oil Accounts, of which $1 billion supposedly approved by President Jonathan to fund his reelection campaign without the knowledge of the National Economic Council made up of state governors and the president and vice president.
- NEITI discovered $11.6 billion was missing from Nigeria LNG Company dividend payments.
- 60 million barrels of oil valued at $13.7 billion was stolen under the watch of the national oil company, Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, from 2009 to 2012.
- NEITI indicates losses due to crude swaps due to subsidy and domestic crude allocation from 2005 to 2012 indicated that $11.63 billion had been paid to the NNPC but that “there is no evidence of the money being remitted to the federation account”.
- Diversion of 60% of $1 billion foreign loans obtained from the Chinese by the Ministry of Finance 
- Massive scam in weapons and defense procurements, and misuse of 3 trillion naira defense budget since 2011 under the guise of fighting Boko Haram
7. Diversion of $2.2 million vaccination medicine fund, by Ministry of Health 
8. Diversion of Ebola fight fund up to 1.9 bn naira 
9. NIMASA fraud under investigation by EFCC, inclusive of accusation of funding PDP and buying a small piece of land for 13 billion naira 
10. Ministry of Finance led by Okonjo Iweala hurried payment of $2.2 million to health ministry contractor in disputed invoices 
11. NDDC scams and multifarious scams including 2.7 billion naira worth of contracts that do not conform to the Public Procurement Act
12. Police Service Commission Scam investigated by ICPC that revealed misappropriation of over 150 million nairas related to election-related training. ICPC made refund recommendations, but many analysts indicated prosecution was more appropriate.
Muhammadu Buhari administration (2015–present)
The Presidency of Muhammadu Buhari has seen major action against corruption in Nigeria. In 2016, the Senate ad-hoc committee on “mounting humanitarian crisis in the North East” led by Senator Shehu Sani indicted the then Secretary to the Government of the Federation appointed by Muhammadu Buhari, Mr. Babachir Lawal in a N200 million contract scandal for the clearing of “invasive plant species” in Yobe State by Rholavision Nigeria Limited; a company he owns.
On October 30, 2017, President Buhari sacked Lawal based on the report of a three-man panel led by Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo that investigated him and one other.
In 2016, Buhari was reportedly presented evidence that his Chief of Staff, Abba Kyari, took N500 million naira bribe from MTN to help it slash the $5 Billion dollar fine slammed against it for violation of Nigeria telecommunications regulations bothering on national security. MTN fired the staff involved in the bribery scandal. But Abba Kyari was left intact in his position as Chief of Staff to national outrage forcing Buhari to announce the probe of Kyari. The findings of the investigation was never made public.
Abdulrasheed Maina was the head of the task force on pension reforms during the President Goodluck Jonathan led administration but fled Nigeria in 2015 after claims that he embezzled two billion naira ($5.6 million, 4.8 million euros). Despite the fact that an Interpol arrest warrant was issued, he still managed to return to Nigeria, where he was said to have enjoyed protection from the Buhari government. Maina had been fired from his position by Goodluck Jonathan's administration and was put under investigation for corrupt practices but was reinstated and given double promotion by Buhari administration.
According to the senate through its committee on public accounts, 85 government parastatals under the present government under the leadership of Muhammadu Buhari are yet to submit their audit reports since the inception of this government.
The flag bearer of the corruption fight in Nigeria, the EFCC has responded to the senate committee on public account's claim on the nonsubmission of her account report by the institution and 84 others. The Economic and financial crimes commission denied the report issued by the committee claiming it was not true.
Despite criticism, the Nigerian Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) announced in May 2018, that 603 Nigerian figures had been convicted on corruption charges since Buhari took office in 2015. The EFCC also announced that for the first time in Nigeria's history, judges and top military officers including retired service chiefs are being prosecuted for corruption. In December 2019, the country's controversial ex-Attorney General Mohammed Adoke, who was accused of being bribed to grant oil licenses to Shell, was extradited back to Nigeria from Dubai and was immediately arrested. In January 2020, however, Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index (CPI) still gave Nigeria a low ranking of 146 out of 180 countries surveyed.
By October 2020, however, End SARS protestors alleged that Nigerian police officers, despite being employed by what has long been perceived as being the most corruption institution in Nigeria, were no longer paid adequately and, despite calling out police brutality, called for an increase in police salaries as one of their five demands.
Public institutions perceived as corrupt
The following list contains the institutions perceived as the most corrupt. It is culled from the Nigeria Survey and Corruption Survey Study, Final Report (June 2003) Institute for Development Research, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria (IDR, ABU Zaria)
Nigeria (as of 2003)RatingInstitution1Nigerian Police2Political Parties3National and State Assemblies4Local and Municipal Governments5Federal and State Executive Councils6Traffic police and FRSC7PHCN8NNPC9Nigeria Customs10FIRS
In February 2019, it was reported that Nigerian Police Force officers commonly gained extra money by extorting local residents. On July 30, 2019, three Nigeria Police Force Officers from Anambra State were arrested on charges of extorting three residents. On March 9, 2020, a Nigeria Police Force officers from Lagos, Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP) Adebayo Ojo and Sergeant Adeleke Mojisola were both arrested on charges of extorting a woman. The next day, another Nigeria Police Force officer from Lagos, Inspector Taloju Martins, was arrested after being caught on camera exhorting a motorist.
In Nigeria, there is a very big gap between the rich and the poor. Due to this, there is space in politics for richer people to manipulate results and candidates. The BBC did an article in February 2019 detailing how much of an effect 'godfathers' can have on the outcome. For example, it was reported, "They are political sponsors, who use money and influence to win support for their preferred candidates." It is explained that these 'godfathers' groom a candidate that they trust can implement the policies they want".
- Brown envelope journalism, Nigeria
- Innoson Group vs GTBank fraud case
- List of impeached Nigerian state governors
- Crime in Nigeria
- Corruption by country
- International Anti-Corruption Academy
- Group of States Against Corruption
- International Anti-Corruption Day
- ISO 37001 Anti-bribery management systems
- United Nations Convention against Corruption
- OECD Anti-Bribery Conventi
Other News Malta
I am Ahmad Aziz Maltese national by birth automatically under the laws of Malta.I only have single citizenship Maltese.I was born in Sliema Malta dated 1 November 1983.I grow up in Lahore Pakistan.I belong to Tarar family.Dated 31 December 2011, I joined Ministry of foreign affairs Malta as career diplomat in salary scale 3,I remained Malta's first resident envoy to Pakistan,Iran,Bangladesh,Sri Lanka and UAE.Dated 31 December 2014 European external action service EEAS exchanged my permanent diplomatic employment with EEAS,now I have permanent diplomatic employment with European external action service EEAS and with Ministry of foreign affairs Malta as envoy.Government of Malta and European external action service EEAS did not paid my salaries from 31 December 2011 till today because I am Muslim and I have permanent diplomatic employment.Now I am permanently resident at Dingli mans flat 6,Dingli street Sliema Malta.I am serving as envoy government of Malta at Ministry of foreign affairs Malta and envoy European external action service EEAS at headquarters of the European external action service EEAS.During my appointment in Pakistan government of Malta asked government of Pakistan to arrest Mr Ahmad Aziz envoy government of Malta because they have withdrawn my appointment as envoy government of Malta to Pakistan etc but this was not true.Pakistani authorities arrested me in Pakistan and send me to jail.I was brought before the Pakistani trial court and Pakistani trial court accquited me.
I have a wife one daughter and one son they live in Pakistan according to the law my children's are Maltese national by birth and my wife has right of freedom of movement in Malta.
Dated 13 April 2018 around 12:00 night Gulzar Dar PTI political party Pakistan terrorist wing head together with Punjab police officers, along with his son,His brother,along with ISI Pakistan,MI5 UK,INDIAN RAW,pakistan army officers and near 35 unknown terrorists entered force fully into office of envoy government of Malta and office of the envoy European external action service to Pakistan etc 342M sabzazar scheme Multan Road Lahore Pakistan with weapons,they started beating me,they did gang roberry,they kidnapped me for money together with police and together with Pakistani army etc.Police is not registering FIR against criminals as I have already filed several complaints to government of Pakistan,government of Malta and EEAS etc because eeas and ministry of foreign affairs Malta is responsible issues related to their permanent employees,I have also send several complaints to Ministry of interior Pakistan and National human rights commission Pakistan but no ONE takes action against terrorists.These kidnappers also harrased me to resigned from my permanent diplomatic employment with European external action service EEAS and with Ministry of foreign affairs Malta.I have permanent diplomatic employment with Ministry of foreign affairs Malta and with European external action service EEAS as envoy.Dated 3 may 2018 when I arrived at the Malta international airport from Pakistan. Maltese police arrested me at the Malta international airport.From Luqa airport, police took me to floriana police headquarters.I was informed by the police that they have arrested me under the allegations of abusing of authority and breach of duties as permanent public officer I am suspended but in reality I am never suspended from my permanent diplomatic employment.I explained the police that I am already acquitted by the honourable Pakistani trial court with same allegations but police decided to continue proceedings even after matter is double jeopardy and time barred and Maltese police has no jurisdiction to start criminal proceedings against me in Malta because alleged offences were committed in Pakistan and I was acquitted by the honourable Pakistani trial court.Alleged offences are not the category of international crimes.Police or court may not investigate any other allegations which were not informed by the police during arrest.To investigate any other allegations is breach of the article 39 constitution of Malta.I was in the Maltese jail and media published news against me with out taking my point of view.I was granted bail after around 3 months.I requested the media to publish my reply in the media but media refused to published my reply for courept motives.When I was in jail government of Malta started CIVIL proceedings against me with the same allegations I am facing a criminal case against me in Malta, government of Malta has breached article 6 of ECHR and article 39 constitution of Malta to start CIVIL proceedings against me, because in Malta right of silence is constitutional right.Allegations sheet submitted by the police before the court in Malta is breach of article 360(2) of criminal code Malta because allegation sheet does not show any place of alleged offences,allegation sheet does not show any time and date of alleged offences.According to law criminal action should be dismissed and may not be prosecuted.police has violated article 535 till article 538 of criminal code Malta because their is no complaint or information against me to start criminal proceedings against me in Malta.Malta has no jurisdiction to start criminal together with civil proceedings against me in Malta because alleged offences were committed in Pakistan and alleged offences are not the category of international crimes and Malta has no jurisdiction to start criminal proceedings together with civil proceedings against me in Malta. According to Criminal code Malta and according to constitution of Malta matter is double jeopardy and time barred.Malta is also breaching article 401 criminal code Malta together with ARTICLE 6 of ECHR and article 39 constitution of Malta right of fair hearing on reasonable time.Maltese police started investigation against me in July 2015.
Violation of right of silence to file civil action when criminal proceedings are going on with same facts is breach of article 6 ECHR and breach of article 39 constitution of Malta
The right to remain silent and not to incriminate oneself under Article 6(1)prevents the prosecution from obtaining evidence
by defying the will of the accused not to testify against himself.Accused was interrogated with out the presence of the advocate,when police informed the accused that accused is arrested in the allegations of abusing of authority and breach of duties that as Permanent public officer accused is suspended but continue his employment,police started questioning without the presence of lawyer in the case the Police vs Ahmad Aziz.During interrogation police harrased and pressurised the accused to accept allegations against him other wise accused may face 9 years imprisonment. This kind of Police behaviour during interrogation is clear proof of the violation of ECHR convention.
Accused had filled complaint before the
Internal Audit & Investigations Department office of the Prime minister Malta against Ministry of foreign affairs Malta for the non provision of accused salaries,police produced testimony of officer from Internal Audit & Investigations Department against accused in the case the Police vs Ahmad Aziz in the court of Dr Donatella Frendo Dimech pointing out that such a recorded testimony impinged upon accused right to silence.
To start criminal proceedings against accused on the emails submitted by the accused himself and to use these emails in criminal proceedings against accused is a breach of Right of silence of accused.Police did not handed over to the accused the copy of video recording of accused questioning and AG Malta submitted transcript of video recording to the court this is breach of Right of fair hearing of accused.Identity Malta attested alleged forged documents on the orders of Magistrate Dr Donatella Frendo Dimech it is violation of Right of fair hearing when alleged forged documents are only photocopies and does not exist,Court,police or plaintiff director public registry Malta do not have any original alleged forged documents so how may they certified photocopies of alleged forged documents when their is no original forged documents.I have to sign twice a day in Sliema police station and I can not leave Malta because court has kept my Maltese passport.I can not leave house before morning 7 and after 10 night.
Dingli mans flat 6
Dingli street Sliema Malta
Cell & WhatsApp 0035677087438
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Motorola heeft zojuist de Moto G9 Power en Moto G 5G aangekondigd. Dit zijn telefoons in het middensegment die zich onder meer focussen op de camera's en een lange accuduur. Moto G9 Power met grotere accu De Moto G9 Power is de opvolger van de vorig jaar gelanceerde Moto G8 Power en ook deze middenklasser legt de nadruk op een lange accuduur vanwege de grote 6.000 mAh-accu. Die accu is dus ten opzichte van de G8 Power met 1.000 mAh gegroeid en zou volgens Motorola bij gemiddeld gebruik meerdere dagen meekunnen. Je laadt de accu op met 20 watt snelladen. Groter scherm Het scherm van de G9 Power is gegroeid van 6,4 inch naar 6,8 inch. Het gaat om een IPS-scherm met een HD+ resolutie in plaats van fullHD+ voor de G8 Power. In dat scherm zit een inkeping voor de selfiecamera en de onderste schermrand lijkt iets dikker dan die van de G8 Power. De behuizing is verder waterafstotend gemaakt zodat het tegen morsen, spatten, zweet of lichte regen beschermd is. Achterop is de vingerafdrukscanner te vinden en de Google Assistent-knop zit aan de zijkant. Minder camera's De Moto G9 Power heeft verder drie camera's op de achterkant: een 64 MP hoofdcamera (f/1.8), een 2 MP macrocamera (f/2.4) en een 2 MP dieptecamera (f/2.4). Selfies maak je met een 16 MP camera. Motorola heeft voor het eerst een 64 MP hoofcamera in een middenklasser gestopt. Deze camera is voorzien van de Quad-Pixel-technologie. Die zorgt ervoor dat er vier pixels voor één pixel worden inzet, waardoor tot vier keer meer licht kan opvangen. Motorola heeft de G9 Power dus één camera minder meegegeven dan de G8 Power. De ultragroothoekcamera en telelens zijn ook verdwenen en de macrolens kan objecten tot vier keer dichterbij halen, in plaats van vijf keer voor de G8 Power. Meer specificaties De Moto G9 Power wordt aangedreven door een Snapdragon 662 octa-core-processor in tegenstelling tot de 665-variant in de voorganger. Er is 4 GB aan werkgeheugen en 128 GB aan opslagruimte. De laatste kun je uitbreiden via een microSD-kaartje. De behuizing is net als veel andere Moto-toestellen waterafstotend gemaakt zodat het tegen morsen, spatten, zweet of lichte regen beschermd is. De Moto G9 Power draait op Moto's My UX gebaseerd op Android 10. De fabrikant heeft de software basic gehouden, net als standaard Android, en voegt er geen overbodige apps aan toe. Het bekende Moto Experiences is wel op de telefoon aanwezig. Dit hulpmiddel brengt wat handigheidjes naar het toestel. Denk aan het maken van een screenshot met drie vingers en 'Omdraaien voor Niet storen' (handig tijdens het bingewatchen). Je kan hier ook het aanzetten van de zaklamp via schudden aanzetten. Dat is handig als je 's avonds je fietsslot zoekt. Het aanpassen van het toestel met fonts, wallpapers, icoontjes en meer is er ook mogelijk. Moto G9 Power kopen De Moto G9 Power is beschikbaar in de kleuren Metallic Sage en Electric Violet voor een adviesprijs van 199,99 euro. Hiermee is de telefoon goedkoper dan de G8 Power die voor 229,99 euro op de markt kwam. Moto G 5G De Moto G 5G is eigenlijk de voorloper van de eerder dit jaar gelanceerde Moto G 5G Plus (349,99 euro). Deze goedkopere versie (vanaf 299,99 euro) komt volgens Motorola gebruikers met een krachtige accu, goede prestaties en een dito camera's. Daarnaast is dit toestel geschikt voor het snellere 5G-netwerk. 5G-ondersteuning en grote accu De Moto G 5G heeft de Snapdragon 750G-chipset die 5G mogelijk maakt voor telefoons uit het middensegment. Er is een model met 4 GB RAM en 64 GB opslag voor 299,99 euro en een model met 6 GB RAM heeft en 128 GB opslag. De telefoon heeft een grote 5.000 mAh-accu met ondersteuning voor 20 watt snelladen. Groot scherm en vier camera's De telefoon heeft een groot 6,7 inch LCD-scherm met een fullHD+ resolute van 2400 bij 1080 pixels. Op de achterzijde zitten drie camera's, eentje minder dan de Moto G 5G Plus. De hoofdcamera is een 48 MP exemplaar (f/1.7), gevolgd door een, 8 MP groothoekcamera (f/2.2), een 2 MP macrocamera (f/2.4) voor foto's van dichtbij. De dieptecamera van de Plus-versie is weggelaten. Aan de voorkant zit een 16 MP selfiecamera. De Moto G 5G draait net als de G9 Power op Android 10 en heeft ook een Google Assistent-knop aan de zijkant van de behuizing. De vingerafdrukscanner zit in de power-knop. Moto G 5G kopen De Moto G 5G is in Nederland vanaf midden december beschikbaar bij Belsimpel, MediaMarkt, en motorola.com in de kleur Volcanic Grey en heeft de adviesverkoopprijs van 249,99 euro.
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